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The post YCC Blog: Reading China in 10 Words first appeared on .
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]]>The post The China Challenge report first appeared on .
]]>The report Alex Krijger and I worked on these past few months, interviewing many CEOs from Dutch businesses active in China, is available now. With recommendations for government and a China Checklist for companies. The report The China Challenge: Impact of the politicised business environment on Dutch companies in China is downloadable on the LeidenAsiaCentre website: https://leidenasiacentre.nl/en/the-china-challenge/
No ‘business as usual’ anymore
Dutch businesses prefer to avoid navigating sensitive political waters, leaving this to the political establishment. It has become clear, however, that this is no longer possible in the current Chinese context, due to a combination of geopolitical and Chinese political factors. It is not ‘business as usual’ anymore. The authors conclude that Dutch business would welcome additional guidance and support from government, employers’ organisations and other professionals.
Discretion and anonymity
The research report is based on a comprehensive review of scientific studies, business papers, and journalistic sources, as well as a series of conversations with senior Dutch business representatives. Discretion proved important, as many interviewees chose to remain anonymous. As a result of our approach and our joint network, the report offers many concrete examples of the experiences of Dutch business people in China and concludes with a China Checklist which might serve as a guide for Dutch companies that operate in China, or are preparing to do so.
An interview by LeidenAsiaCentre’s Lily Sprangers with both authors can be found here:
You can contact Ardi Bouwers or Alex Krijger for more information on the report and also for interactive China Business or Policy Lunches and inspiring China Masterclasses and Keynotes.
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]]>‘Millions of innocent lives lost in Afghanistan, Iraq & Syria because of US military actions. Want to mess up China’s Hong Kong & Xinjiang? No way!’ This is what China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs tweeted when the US Senate adopted a bill to support demonstrators in Hong Kong. China’s state media and representatives happily shared the message.
Shotguns for enemies
It is not just the United States that has been confronted with China’s new assertive approach. PEN-International, a Swedish non-governmental organisation (NGO), gave a free speech award to a Swedish book merchant incarcerated in China. In response, China’s ambassador warned on a public radio channel: ‘We treat our friends with fine wine, but for our enemies we have shotguns.’
And then there is Canada. The Canadians arrested the top financial executive of telecom giant Huawei, who is also the daughter of the company’s founder. China’s ambassador accused Canada publicly of ‘Western egotism’ and ‘white supremacy’. He received a promotion and is now his country’s ambassador to France.
Through these acts, China is making a radical break with its public diplomacy of the past, which has traditionally been conflict-averse. Diplomatic rows were not deemed beneficial to China’s main task of building up its economy. Now that China has become a major power in the world, it is in a position to adopt a more self-aware and nationalistic tone. This is the broadly understood explanation.
Internal party politics
However, by merely focusing on China’s foreign relations, an important factor remains overlooked, namely: internal party-political manoeuvring. For Xi Jinping, loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), its ideology – and in the end, to himself – trumps everything. This forces ambitious party officials constantly to prove that they are his best-behaved pupils. Opting for confrontation with the West is an excellent way for diplomats to get their boss to notice them.
Within other professions in China too, ambitious officials attempt to outdo each other in following Xi’s commandments. ‘Freedom of thought’ was removed from the charter of a top Chinese university. A pledge of loyalty to the CCP was added to the same university’s charter and to several others as well. A discussion about this measure was immediately deleted by the censors of Weibo, the Chinese version of Twitter.
Losing touch
Although this is an effective way to silence criticism, the party leadership risks losing touch with what is actually taking shape in society as a consequence. Such far-reaching dedication to Xi therefore mostly represents a risk to China itself. It inhibits the Chinese state’s ability to be self-critical in assessing its policies.
When Deng Xiaoping inherited an impoverished country from Mao Zedong, he encouraged officials to adopt a pragmatic and results-oriented approach to develop China’s economy. ‘Cross the river by touching the stones, be careful’ he instructed them. They conducted economic experiments in their respective regions and reported the outcomes. A feedback loop came into existence: officials learned which policies actually were successful, on the basis of which Beijing again adjusted national policy. It led to impressive results; between 1980 and 2015 hundreds of millions of Chinese were raised out of (extreme) poverty.
Army of yes-men
Crucial elements of this feedback loop were its relative openness and a willingness to learn from mistakes. Local party officials did not have to fear failure. In contrast, by demanding absolute loyalty Xi is creating an army of yes-men: party officials who welcome every policy proposal – however faulty – with cheers of approval. Daily news broadcasts underscore this development, as ordinary Chinese look and listen to the Chinese leader in awe. Xi Jinping guides the way and elaborates on his policies. No-one asks questions. Nobody initiates proposals.
Disastrous consequences
This development can have disastrous consequences, as China’s history has shown. During Mao’s Great Leap Forward in the middle of the last century, local party officials reported one record harvest after another. Anyone who had the guts to say that Mao’s economic policy of collectivisation was a disaster (in full accordance with the facts on the ground) was labelled a counter-revolutionary or a ‘rightist’, fired and prosecuted. Criticism of party officials and attempts to point out shortcomings went unheard. Failed harvests led to a massive famine, killing tens of millions of people.
Are decisions in Beijing really taken solely on the basis of what sycophants think Xi wants to hear, or are they also reached using the – less pleasant – facts? No information comes out about the internal discussions at the top of the CCP and so we cannot be sure. But the fact that Xi likes to refer to Mao (and rarely mentions Deng) seems bad news for the decade to come. Of one thing we can be sure, however: if we want to explain the new aggressive tone of China’s diplomats abroad, we need to look beyond the external relations of the PRC.
Joris Teer is the founder of Teer Strategy, an Amsterdam-based firm for strategy development and geopolitical analysis. Ardi Bouwers is the director of China Circle (based in The Hague) and a sinologist.
Published on the Asia Dialogue website of Nottingham University on 29 January 2020.
And in Dutch in De Volkskrant on 26 December 2019.
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]]>The post The Great China Debate first appeared on .
]]>We tend to look at China from a European perspective, but what is China’s perception of Europe and the Netherlands? And how does China view itself, both in the past and in the 21st century? China Circle’s Ardi Bouwers also discussed the need to understand the diverging perceptions of political values: the Western world order emphasizes rights, whereas China points to responsibilities.
Is it possible to develop a new vocabulary where the two can meet? We live in the 21st century and we can’t afford to just cling to ideas and agreements of the 20th century (‘victor’s justice’ in the eyes of Xi Jinping’s China). We need to define our priorities – and red lines concerning human rights – again. What do we stand for? What do we want to fight for? Millennials rightly point out that climate change is a collective problem – our common responsibility – and it can only be solved by collaborative action. Therefore, the climate crisis presents an opportunity to establish common ground.
Watch the keynotes of Ardi and the other participants here (in Dutch), with Arjen van Dijkhuizen (ABN Amro), Frans-Paul van der Putten (Clingendael), and three members of parliament: Bram van Ojik (Green Left), Wybren van Haga (Liberal party) and Martijn van Helvert (Christian Democrats).
For just Ardi’s keynote, click here. And you can also watch the whole debate here.
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]]>The post Storytelling from Confucius to Social Media first appeared on .
]]>Does this sound like you?
Then this interactive full-day Masterclass on Storytelling from Confucius to Social Media that will be presented in The Hague (or in-company, if you want to practice with your team) is perfect for you!
We will deal with questions such as:
– Why is the age-old art of storytelling relevant for business?
– What are the most important characteristics of storytelling?
– What is the impact of social media on storytelling?
– How do you tell stories with and without words?
– How can you customize your story to the needs of audiences in Europe and Asia?
Old stories and modern movies can help us open our eyes to effective storytelling techniques. During the first part of this Storytelling Masterclass, we teach tips & tricks from as diverse a field as Chinese and Greek philosophers, Disney scriptwriters and social media influencers. We examine effective examples of storytelling (including simple but powerful company ‘origin’ stories) and we will share ideas and best practices in different cultural settings. On top of that, we will analyse international marketing blunders. There is a lot to learn from those mistakes, especially when you deal with sensitive issues in a politicized environment.
In the second part of the Masterclass, we will examine what’s really important for you, your team or your company. We will discover your core message – and use that as a basis to develop a new, strong narrative. Our decades of experience in journalism, management and China will help you avoid pitfalls and convey your core message effectively across cultures.
During the 1-day Masterclass:
You will get to know our 6-C model which will guide you through the storytelling process, so that by the end you will have created your own inspiring story.
This will be a day full of learning, discussing, connecting and creating. You will draft and refine your personal or business story during the Masterclass. After completing the workshop, you will receive a certificate.
And as a bonus, we will review the story that you continue to develop after the Masterclass, and provide you with personal 1-on-1 feedback in a coaching call.
Ardi Bouwers and Tao Yue welcome you in our light workshop space in the centre of The Hague, with a garden and – according to participants – a ‘Zen atmosphere’. Or, if you have a group of at least 5 participants, we will come to you.
We work in small groups and provide an open, friendly and safe environment.
Your investment?
Only 295 Euros (excl. VAT) for this 1-day-session, including drinks and lunch.
We work with small groups so make sure to reserve your seat by sending an e-mail to: ardi@chinacircle.nl
Date: Friday October 11, 2019
9.30 Welcome tea & coffee
10.00 Masterclass part 1: Examples, tips and tricks
12.30 Lunch
13.30 Masterclass part 2: Developing your own story
16.30 Informal drinks
17.00 End
Place: Surinamestraat 38 in The Hague
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]]>Professor Mahbubani is an academic at the National University of Singapore and a former diplomat. For years, he worked as Singapore’s permanent representative at the United Nations. He presents his arguments in a soft spoken and charming way. But his book titles do have a sharp edge. His most recent book is Has the West lost it? A provocation. It’s about how difficult it proves to be for the West (and the US, especially) to recognize historic worldwide changes. According to him, the West was the locomotive of world economic growth, but the explosive growth in China has reversed the order.
A provocative book title that struck me a long time ago was Can Asians Think? In that book, written many years ago, this original thinker tries to understand and explain the divide between East and West.
Good ally
In the Hague, Mahbubani started off with a prediction: How will the Netherlands choose its way in the current US-China global contest? He presented three scenarios, plus the likelihood of what The Netherlands would choose within 10 years:
Shifting balance of power
According to him, it would be best for the Netherlands and the West to adapt to the shifting balance of power, now that China and India are taking up their historic dominant economic roles again. Good news for the West? “The economic cake is not getting smaller,” he says. That almost sounds like what the Chinese would call a classic ‘win-win situation’. He coats his message in sugar: “Thanks to the West and Western ideas, the human condition was never better. Yet, at this moment of triumph, the West seems hopelessly lost.”
Good enough governance
Mahbubani does admit that in China and other fast developing countries there is no ‘good governance’. But he points out the fact that India, Indonesia and China have all managed to lift many millions of people out of poverty. So, he says, Modi, Jokowi and Xi Jinping can be described as ‘competent’ leaders and their standards of governance are good enough, providing ‘functional governance’. But when will this functional governance not be good enough anymore? That is still an open question.
New rules?
Not everyone would agree with Mahbubani’s assessment that China is not a threat to the liberal international order, as, in his words, it has “benefitted from the system”. The fact that China has benefitted, does not preclude it to start using its newly acquired position of strength by trying to set new rules for the international economic and political order of the 21st century. He does not like the term ‘agressive’ when referring to China and prefers the more moderate ‘assertive’. Always the diplomat.
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]]>Interactive and personal
At the interactive sessions, co-organised by Krijger & Partners, universities and student organisations and supported by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, we discussed issues such as:
– The two faces of China: techno-economic genius or command and control system?
– Understanding the giant: culture, politics and the innovative economy in China.
The personal experiences presented by students of Netherlands-Asia Honours Summer School were especially insightful. In addition, there were keynotes by Kathleen Ferrier, Xiaojia Xu, Ties Dams, Friso Stevens, Michiel Ebbing, Rene Cuperus and Ardi Bouwers. Their presentations formed the basis for questions and discussion.
Lack of knowledge
The most important overall conclusion was that millennials are very curious about what’s happening in China, but find they lack in-depth knowledge of that rapidly changing country. History lessons that focus on Europe and the western world, for example, tend to create a fear of China, instead of arousing curiosity (as a Dutch saying goes: ‘Unknown makes unloved’). Participating students were adament that both in secondary and higher education, more attention should be paid to China to fill this knowledge gap.
Curious, but critical
The China-debate should be broad, they say, and focus on values (both Dutch/European and Chinese), trade, innovation, climate, sustainability, privacy and cyber-security. So let’s not narrow it down to a struggle between merchant (‘koopman’) and preacher (‘dominee’). The conclusion? The millennial generation will face the challenge of a rising China and they want to adopt a curious, but critical attitude.
Krijger & Partners and China Circle decided to establish Young China Circle, a platform that wants to continue the China debate and secure the highly necessary input of millennials. All contributors to the China College Tour will be actively involved in this initiative.
Do you have a question or request for Young China Circle?
Please contact: tom@krijgerandpartners.com or ardi@chinacircle.nl
Stay tuned for new ideas, sessions and exchanges!
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]]>The post China’s rise and Europe’s bias first appeared on .
]]>Eurocentric
What strikes me in the current discussion, is that China did not really seem to exist before. Like it popped up in our consciousness out of nowhere. Our familiar world, the western liberal world order, is suddenly challenged by this rising power in the east. The surprise surely is a result of our very Eurocentric world view, taught in our history books and prevalent in western media.
A perfect illustration of the fact that China was always there (as was that other large Asian nation, India), is an animated bar chart on the most populous cities in the world, compiled by the Financial Times. I couldn’t stop looking at it. It makes perfectly clear that Asian cities were the largest in the world for centuries. We just seem to have forgotten or repressed it. For us, Western dominance is the norm, and that’s also what we teach our children in school. Now take three minutes to watch this brilliant FT bar chart animation, starting in 1500 AD.
Alternative narratives
Why are we oblivious to the fact that GDP of China and India combined amounted to about 70% of global accumulated GDP during the period we call ‘the Roman Empire’? Or that China’s economy was the largest in the world for centuries (but not in the past 200 years)? Why do we seem unaware of the fact that the rise of the US really only took off in the 20th century? Take a look at this insightful Visual Capitalist graph and try to deduce some alternative narratives about the world’s economic history (more info here: https://www.visualcapitalist.com/2000-years-economic-history-one-chart/)
As both graphs show, western dominance is not at all natural if we take a long historical view. Our vision somehow has become blurred by our Eurocentric bias – unconscious, of course – but a bias that blinds us nevertheless. We’ve adopted narratives of Portuguese, Spanish, Dutch and British conquerors across all seas, of popular uprisings inevitably leading to democracy, of a world where western values would prevail. And that’s what we teach our children in school.
‘Western privilege’
But the world changes all the time. Over a century ago, voting for women was considered unacceptable and irresponsible by many. Now it’s difficult to imagine why the fight for electoral rights took so long. And just like the concepts of ‘male privilege’ or ‘white privilege’ prove difficult to accept for the privileged, those who profit from western dominance seem unaware of alternative world views and narratives – a phenomenon I propose to call ‘western privilege’.
Yellow danger
The EU uses the term ‘systemic rival’ to describe China, adding fuel to the ‘yellow danger’ narrative. Now, as an old Dutch saying goes, fear is a bad advisor. Of course, we should maintain a critical stance, but let’s not give in to cynicism. We should not be naïve when dealing with any rising power, but it would be more productive to offer an inspiring alternative: not the current bureaucratic EU vision, but an inspirational narrative based on values. Not because we’ve come to consider those values as ‘normal’, but because these values are so important that we want to fight for them.
Backbone
And if Europe can get its act together, it’s much easier to show backbone when dealing with Xi Jinping’s assertive China, spreading our ideas and convictions, instead of fearing the loss of market access and China’s intrusion into Europe.
Chinese are known as tough negotiators. They don’t expect us to be nice, in my experience they even appreciate a principled stand. Of course we should tackle the existing asymmetry in EU-Chinese relations by demanding a level playing field in economic relations and other areas. The Chinese make use of our open media system, for example, while it’s getter more difficult than ever for international correspondents to get access to China. Xi Jinping clearly likes to control the narrative, but we don’t have to accept that.
Curiosity
Back to the question I started out with: respect & admiration or fear & loathing when dealing with China? The answer is, not either-or, but a bit of both. Let’s respect what China has achieved since opening up in 1979 and let’s be critical, but not cynical. And most important of all, let’s be curious about that fast-changing and challenging country.
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]]>The post Meetup April 12: Storytelling in the digital age first appeared on .
]]>Storytelling – one of the oldest and most powerful means of human communication – can close this gap. It can speak to technical as well as non-technical people. It can inform the users what data means for them and how to act on it. It can bring forth the meaning embedded in data.
Stories are the SOUL of data.
So, after our Cross-cultural Storytelling Meetup, we now present the Storytelling with Data Meetup. Participants will get a discount on our upcoming workshops on these topics.
At this Meetup we will explore Data Storytelling with Tao Yue, a management school professional, business case study writer and novelist. We will look at how to tell a good story with data and how to use stories to create impact in business as well as in life.
When: Friday April 12, 2019, from 15.00 – 17.00, drinks and networking afterwards
Where: Surinamestraat 38, The Hague
Fee: € 10 (including coffee, tea and drinks)
Reserve your seat now at: https://www.ticketkantoor.nl/shop/datastorytelling
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